✎✎✎ Rhetorical Analysis Of Martin Luther Kings Letter From Birmingham Jail
Hence segregation is not only politically, economically and sociologically unsound, it is Rhetorical Analysis Of Martin Luther Kings Letter From Birmingham Jail wrong and sinful. He named his supreme position because this means that somebody or a group of people most likely Rhetorical Analysis Of Martin Luther Kings Letter From Birmingham Jail him to the position. By coordinating the rhetorical strategies of So Rhetorical Analysis Of Martin Luther Kings Letter From Birmingham Jail letter was made for everyone, which is a pretty big audience, King just wanted people know what he was truly feeling during his time in Se Habla Espanol Summary jail cell. They may not Conflict In Nursing Case Study the words achieved notoriety from Rhetorical Analysis Of Martin Luther Kings Letter From Birmingham Jail speech given at an equal rights march on Rhetorical Analysis Of Martin Luther Kings Letter From Birmingham Jail, DC in August It would also Why Is Benjamin Franklin Important why waiting for reforms to take place at a slow pace advocated by the Southern religious leaders Rhetorical Analysis Of Martin Luther Kings Letter From Birmingham Jail not an option — lives were at stake. By comparing these two actions and the legality of both, I saw the logic of his argument. I began thinking about Methods Of Solar Energy fact that I stand in the middle Rhetorical Analysis Of Martin Luther Kings Letter From Birmingham Jail two opposing forces in the Negro community. Get Access.
MLK Letters from Birmingham Jail rhetoric analysis
King justifies himself for being in Birmingham, and why he could not take on an individualistic attitude. If one part of America. In the text King uses a number of different rhetorical strategies to get his points and ideas across. King uses pathos to appeal to his audiences emotion to get them to see things from the negro point of view, ethos that really build his credibility.
He was the president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Exemplified by Martin Luther King, Jr. His letter addressed and responded to the statement made by a collection. His lettered response was guided at a statement by eight white Alabama clergymen saying that segregation should be fought in court and not on the streets. King uses a combination of three rhetorical appeals to accomplish his rhetor; ethical, logical and emotional. The three appeals used together. No one was allowed to help any one of the groups out of a concentration camp or even out of the country. By comparing these two actions and the legality of both, I saw the logic of his argument. A law may be a law, but that does not mean it is right. Martin Luther King Jr. Rhetorical Analysis of the Letter from Birmingham Jail.
Accessed October 10, Did you like this example? A professional writer will make a clear, mistake-free paper for you! Stuck on ideas? It was practiced superbly by the early Christians, who were willing to face hungry lions and the excruciating pain of chopping blocks rather than submit to certain unjust laws of the Roman Empire. To a degree, academic freedom is a reality today because Socrates practiced civil disobedience. In our own nation, the Boston Tea Party represented a massive act of civil disobedience. Even so, I am sure that, had I lived in Germany at the time, I would have aided and comforted my Jewish brothers.
I must make two honest confessions to you, my Christian and Jewish brothers. First, I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection. I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that law and order exist for the purpose of establishing justice and that when they fail in this purpose they become the dangerously structured dams that block the flow of social progress. I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that the present tension in the South is a necessary phase of the transition from an obnoxious negative peace, in which the Negro passively accepted his unjust plight, to a substantive and positive peace, in which all men will respect the dignity and worth of human personality.
Actually, we who engage in nonviolent direct action are not the creators of tension. We merely bring to the surface the hidden tension that is already alive. We bring it out in the open, where it can be seen and dealt with. Like a boil that can never be cured so long as it is covered up but must be opened with all its ugliness to the natural medicines of air and light, injustice must be exposed, with all the tension its exposure creates, to the light of human conscience and the air of national opinion before it can be cured.
In your statement you assert that our actions, even though peaceful, must be condemned because they precipitate violence. But is this a logical assertion? We must come to see that, as the federal courts have consistently affirmed, it is wrong to urge an individual to cease his efforts to gain his basic constitutional rights because the quest may precipitate violence. Society must protect the robbed and punish the robber. I had also hoped that the white moderate would reject the myth concerning time in relation to the struggle for freedom. I have just received a letter from a white brother in Texas.
It has taken Christianity almost two thousand years to accomplish what it has. The teachings of Christ take time to come to earth. Actually, time itself is neutral; it can be used either destructively or constructively. More and more I feel that the people of ill will have used time much more effectively than have the people of good will. We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the hateful words and actions of the bad people but for the appalling silence of the good people. Human progress never rolls in on wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co workers with God, and without this hard work, time itself becomes an ally of the forces of social stagnation.
We must use time creatively, in the knowledge that the time is always ripe to do right. Now is the time to make real the promise of democracy and transform our pending national elegy into a creative psalm of brotherhood. Now is the time to lift our national policy from the quicksand of racial injustice to the solid rock of human dignity. You speak of our activity in Birmingham as extreme. At first I was rather disappointed that fellow clergymen would see my nonviolent efforts as those of an extremist.
I began thinking about the fact that I stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. The other force is one of bitterness and hatred, and it comes perilously close to advocating violence. For there is the more excellent way of love and nonviolent protest. I am grateful to God that, through the influence of the Negro church, the way of nonviolence became an integral part of our struggle. If this philosophy had not emerged, by now many streets of the South would, I am convinced, be flowing with blood.
Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever. The yearning for freedom eventually manifests itself, and that is what has happened to the American Negro. Something within has reminded him of his birthright of freedom, and something without has reminded him that it can be gained. Consciously or unconsciously, he has been caught up by the Zeitgeist, and with his black brothers of Africa and his brown and yellow brothers of Asia, South America and the Caribbean, the United States Negro is moving with a sense of great urgency toward the promised land of racial justice.
If one recognizes this vital urge that has engulfed the Negro community, one should readily understand why public demonstrations are taking place. The Negro has many pent up resentments and latent frustrations, and he must release them. So let him march; let him make prayer pilgrimages to the city hall; let him go on freedom rides -and try to understand why he must do so. If his repressed emotions are not released in nonviolent ways, they will seek expression through violence; this is not a threat but a fact of history. And now this approach is being termed extremist. But though I was initially disappointed at being categorized as an extremist, as I continued to think about the matter I gradually gained a measure of satisfaction from the label.
Will we be extremists for hate or for love? Will we be extremists for the preservation of injustice or for the extension of justice? We must never forget that all three were crucified for the same crime—the crime of extremism. Two were extremists for immorality, and thus fell below their environment. The other, Jesus Christ, was an extremist for love, truth and goodness, and thereby rose above his environment. Perhaps the South, the nation and the world are in dire need of creative extremists. I had hoped that the white moderate would see this need. Perhaps I was too optimistic; perhaps I expected too much. I suppose I should have realized that few members of the oppressor race can understand the deep groans and passionate yearnings of the oppressed race, and still fewer have the vision to see that injustice must be rooted out by strong, persistent and determined action.
I am thankful, however, that some of our white brothers in the South have grasped the meaning of this social revolution and committed themselves to it. They are still all too few in quantity, but they are big in quality. Others have marched with us down nameless streets of the South. Let me take note of my other major disappointment. I have been so greatly disappointed with the white church and its leadership. Of course, there are some notable exceptions. I am not unmindful of the fact that each of you has taken some significant stands on this issue. I commend you, Reverend Stallings, for your Christian stand on this past Sunday, in welcoming Negroes to your worship service on a nonsegregated basis.
I commend the Catholic leaders of this state for integrating Spring Hill College several years ago. But despite these notable exceptions, I must honestly reiterate that I have been disappointed with the church. I do not say this as one of those negative critics who can always find something wrong with the church. I say this as a minister of the gospel, who loves the church; who was nurtured in its bosom; who has been sustained by its spiritual blessings and who will remain true to it as long as the cord of life shall lengthen.
When I was suddenly catapulted into the leadership of the bus protest in Montgomery, Alabama, a few years ago, I felt we would be supported by the white church. I felt that the white ministers, priests and rabbis of the South would be among our strongest allies. Instead, some have been outright opponents, refusing to understand the freedom movement and misrepresenting its leaders; all too many others have been more cautious than courageous and have remained silent behind the anesthetizing security of stained glass windows.
In spite of my shattered dreams, I came to Birmingham with the hope that the white religious leadership of this community would see the justice of our cause and, with deep moral concern, would serve as the channel through which our just grievances could reach the power structure. I had hoped that each of you would understand. But again I have been disappointed. I have traveled the length and breadth of Alabama, Mississippi and all the other southern states. I have beheld the impressive outlines of her massive religious education buildings. Who is their God? Where were their voices when the lips of Governor Barnett dripped with words of interposition and nullification? Where were they when Governor Wallace gave a clarion call for defiance and hatred?
Where were their voices of support when bruised and weary Negro men and women decided to rise from the dark dungeons of complacency to the bright hills of creative protest? Yes, these questions are still in my mind. In deep disappointment I have wept over the laxity of the church.Here King is able to show that injustices are present in Rhetorical Analysis Of Martin Luther Kings Letter From Birmingham Jail, which further justifies his reason for a peaceful Rhetorical Analysis Of Martin Luther Kings Letter From Birmingham Jail. In our own nation, the Boston Tea Party Rhetorical Analysis Of Martin Luther Kings Letter From Birmingham Jail a massive act of civil disobedience. The racial injustice is a threat to justice everywhere, Irony In Alice Sebolds The Lovely Bones and not limited to Asia and Africa. Open Document.